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16. Sulpicius had now recovered, and so both came to Ephesus. Minnio apologized for the king's inability to be present, and in his absence the discussion began. [2] Then Minnio opened the debate with a prepared speech. “I see, Romans,” he said, “that you employ the plausible pretext of liberating Greek states, but your actions are inconsistent with your words, and you lay down one rule of conduct for Antiochus but yourselves follow another. [3] For how are the people of Zmyrna and Lampsacus more Greek than the men of Naples or Rhegium or Tarentum, from whom you exact tribute, from whom you exact ships in accordance with treaty-stipulations? [4] Why do Syracuse and other Greek cities of Sicily receive every year a praetor with the imperium and the rods and axes? Assuredly you make no other assertion than that you have imposed these conditions upon cities that have been conquered in battle.1 [5] Learn from Antiochus that the case is the same with Zmyrna and Lampsacus [p. 49]and the cities which are in Ionia or Aeolis. [6] Conquered2 in war by his forefathers3 and made tributaries and vassals, he restores them to their ancient status; therefore I wish that he be answered on these points, if this is a discussion based on equity and not a search for a pretext for war.” [7] To this Sulpicius replied: “Antiochus has acted modestly, who, if there is nothing else to be said on his behalf, has preferred that anyone else should say this rather than himself. [8] What likeness is there in the status of the states which you have mentioned? From the people of Rhegium and Naples and Tarentum we demand what they owe in accordance with the treaty from the time they came under our sovereignty, with one unbroken continuity of right, always recognized, never interrupted. [9] Pray, can you say that as those peoples have changed the treaty neither through themselves nor through anyone else, so the Asian cities, when once they came into the possession of Antiochus' forefathers, have remained in the [10??] continuous possession of your empire, and that some have not passed under the power of Philip, some into the hands of Ptolemy, and some have enjoyed liberty with none to challenge them? [11] For if the fact that they have once been slaves, constrained by the injustice of the times, is to confer the right of reasserting control and forcing them into slavery after so many generations, how does this differ from saying that our labours have been fruitless, in that we have freed Greece from Philip and that his descendants may again demand Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and the whole state of the Thessalians? [12] But why do I plead the cause of [p. 51]these cities, which it is fairer [13??] that both we and the4 king should learn from their own pleadings?”5

1 The argument of the Macedonian ambassadors in XXXI. xxix should be compared.

2 B.C. 193

3 See the note to sect. 13 below.

4 B.C. 193

5 While there is a manifest fallacy in the argument, from our standpoint, it is sound from the Roman view-point. Roman law recognized possessio, the unchallenged occupancy of property for a certain definite period (cf. the note to xii. 2 above), as a means of acquiring a good title to it. The Greek cities of Italy and Sicily, once conquered, had never effectively established their independence or transferred their allegiance to another state, i.e. had never challenged Roman possessio. Zmyrna, Lampsacus, Miletus, Ephesus, and other cities on the coast had at various times effectively asserted their independence or transferred their allegiance after their conquest by Seleucus about 281 B.C.: cf. XXXIII. xxxviii-xl. They had therefore challenged the possessio of Antiochus, and this partially accidental circumstance constitutes the basis for the distinction. A non-Roman might not accept the premise. Sulpicius is clear-headed enough to see that the acceptance of the position adopted by Antiochus would jeopardize the liberation of Greece, for if Rome granted to the successors of Seleucus the right of reconquest she would be compelled to grant it also to the successors of Philip, and this would undo her work in Greece and threaten her ascendancy.

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load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1873)
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load focus Summary (Latin, Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh, 1935)
load focus Summary (Latin, W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Summary (English, Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh, 1935)
load focus Latin (Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh, 1935)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, 1873)
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  • Commentary references to this page (17):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.29
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 32.33
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 33.40
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.58
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.17
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.3
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.42
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.42
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.6
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.16
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.36
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.53
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.54
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.55
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.57
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.44
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.13
  • Cross-references to this page (8):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Minio
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, P. Sulpicius Galba
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Seleucus
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Formula
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), NEA´POLIS
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), RHE´GIUM
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), TARENTUM
    • Smith's Bio, Mi'nio
  • Cross-references in general dictionaries to this page (5):
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